(April 27, Colombo - Lanka Polity) Two news stories that were published in media today can be outlined to show an aspect of the path the Sri Lankan rulers are taking now in the post-war period.
In the first story Sri Lanka Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa says that the police have been directed to launch an operation to eliminate the crime network that erupted through terrorism and spread island wide.
The first and foremost question that arises is this. Are the authorities targeting only the crime network that erupted through terrorism? What about the crime network that was fed by the politicians to maintain politically motivated terror or sheer state terrorism?
Anyway, when the police actions are initiated the goons will have a difficult time. We can expect more incidents of arrested suspects trying to escape when they have gone to show weapons to be shot dead by police in the middle of the night.
One cannot isolate and safeguard the politically influenced crime network since it is intertwined with the other networks. Many of the rowdies that were riding in jeeps of the vehicles of the election candidates of the ruling party will have to go in hiding. Will their bosses risk their lives to save them? Who knows and who cares to recycle these lumpen waste? They will bring new elements from gutters when they want them again. Until then, it is safe to see them gone with all the secrets they know.
The Defense Secretary said addressing a meeting held yesterday after opening a newly set up Sri Lanka Police Academy in Katana that a wave of crime related to arms, drugs, underworld and ransom taking is spread around the country.
The Defense Secretary further stated that the police had to assist the armed forces during the war in the last three decades and police powers could not be fully implemented in taking actions against the crime network.
Mr. Rajapaksa also said that the police official needed to be trained systematically since most of the present officials were recruited during war and they were trained basically on anti-terrorism actions.
The Police Academy opened yesterday in Katana can facilitate training for 600 officials in one batch. The academy is attached to Kelaniya University.
The rulers need to police the country even before they put the economy properly to the track of growth. They have a good chance now to establish and their own past and present of promoting lawlessness seems haunting and policing seems needed thoroughly right from the beginning.
The second news story is related to private buses. This time the author is not a state actor. He is a leader of a small and mediums scale business forum.
The Chairman of Sri Lanka Private Omnibus Owners’ Association Gemunu Wijerathna says that steps will be taken since May 01 to stop begging and hawking in private buses.
He pointed out that these kinds of actions are illegal in accordance with the license issued by the Sri Lanka Central Transport Authority to the private bus owners. However, they continue since the law enforcement authorities do not act with force. Sometimes, bus employees are threatened by the elements that profit through begging and hawking, Mr. Wijerathna said.
Sri Lanka’s private bus industry is ailing due to many problems. The service is low in standard due to reasons like undisciplined behavior of the bus employees, break of road regulations, poor condition of buses, overloading etc. The bus owners have no solutions to these urgent issues. Instead, they want swift action against a lumpen class that make living from the industry.
The private bus industry is also intertwined with the crime network in many ways. Ransom takers run the bus stands. Thugs run buses. Most of the buses were 'decorated' with the posters of President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his general election candidates in the past few months.
Sri Lanka's upper and middle classes look interested in getting rid of the gutter elements that they were engaged in the past. So they need policing against the lumpen elements of the society.
These can be the preliminary actions of a police state. Suppressing of crime network may raise the popularity of the rulers among the middle classes. But the dire need of the government is to police the working classes so that they may not raise the salary issues in future. A 'disciplined' or a silenced working class is the basic need for the government for the rapid economic growth it is targeting in the island.
That is why the police coming before growth.
Tuesday, April 27, 2010
Monday, April 26, 2010
Upeka Nirmani; Sri Lanka's first woman 'Super Star'
(April 26, Colombo - Lanka Polity) Many TV stations of Sri Lanka run various kinds of Super Star programmes. Tens of thousands of ambitious youth take part in them and many of them toil for the TV channels without any kind of payment for around a year. However, the finalists get a good training and an experience in entertainment industry while one or two Super Stars become instant millionaires.
Many of these Super Stars have failed to continue their career as creative artists. But many of them sing other artists' songs appearing as the original singers and earn some money before they disappear into nowhere where they came from.
Upeka Nirmani Silva, the Derana Dream Star of the Season 2 is a highly talented young girl from Negambo. She is the daughter of Chandu de Silva, a singer popular as Jolly Seeya (grandfather).
Her stardom is significant since she is the first young woman in Sri Lanka to crown as a Super Star. In Derana Dream Star Season 1 as well, a brilliant female vocalist was among the finalists. But this girl Nilupuli Dilhara failed to secure her place in the grand finale through short messages of the TV fans. The Super Star was a brilliant guy but the runner-up was no match to Dilahara's talent.
Similar phenomenon took place this year as well. Upeka sang very nicely while Nimesh Chamika performed in his Sinhala rock style brilliantly giving her a good fight. However, Nimesh failed to become the runner-up. The runner-up Udesh Manoj was far back compared to the vocal skills of the other duo.
Udesh marketed his identity as an Army soldier to come this far. He had brought a set of aggressive fans into Sugathadasa Stadium. Even Defense Secretary and President's brother Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was also in the audience giving a powerful impression to the SMS senders. However, Upeka won the crown. Otherwise, I would have written about militarization of performing art in Sri Lanka.
Many of these Super Stars have failed to continue their career as creative artists. But many of them sing other artists' songs appearing as the original singers and earn some money before they disappear into nowhere where they came from.
Upeka Nirmani Silva, the Derana Dream Star of the Season 2 is a highly talented young girl from Negambo. She is the daughter of Chandu de Silva, a singer popular as Jolly Seeya (grandfather).
Her stardom is significant since she is the first young woman in Sri Lanka to crown as a Super Star. In Derana Dream Star Season 1 as well, a brilliant female vocalist was among the finalists. But this girl Nilupuli Dilhara failed to secure her place in the grand finale through short messages of the TV fans. The Super Star was a brilliant guy but the runner-up was no match to Dilahara's talent.
Similar phenomenon took place this year as well. Upeka sang very nicely while Nimesh Chamika performed in his Sinhala rock style brilliantly giving her a good fight. However, Nimesh failed to become the runner-up. The runner-up Udesh Manoj was far back compared to the vocal skills of the other duo.
Udesh marketed his identity as an Army soldier to come this far. He had brought a set of aggressive fans into Sugathadasa Stadium. Even Defense Secretary and President's brother Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was also in the audience giving a powerful impression to the SMS senders. However, Upeka won the crown. Otherwise, I would have written about militarization of performing art in Sri Lanka.
Sunday, April 25, 2010
Giving powers to an unwanted lot; the dilemma of Sri Lanka President
![]() |
A cartoonist's view on the previous cabinet of Sri Lanka |
Sri Lanka President also behaves like that housewife when allocating powers to his Ministers. First of all, he helped himself with a huge spoon retaining defense, finance and planning, highways, ports and aviation for himself in addition to media subject a Minister has not been appointed so far. Hair to the throne President's son will be trained to run the country via these ministries. One of the President's brothers Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa will act as the actual Minister of Defense.
President's younger brother Basil Rajapaksa has been given a newly created Ministry of Economic Development with wide powers. He will handle work carried out by a number of ministries earlier. The workload will practically stuck him and Namal Rajapaksa can be expected to shift to his role in the President's intermediate circle. Namal will need no title like Senior Presidential Adviser since everybody knows he is the 'future of the country'.
Chamal, the elder brother of the President had to exchange the actually powerful position he held as the Minister of Ports and Aviation to the ceremonious Speaker title that he did not like to assume earlier. The brothers seem unable to settle the issues one to one now and the sisters of the President reportedly had to mediate the issue during a dinner they hosted for the family.
Thus, the President got the family issues solved getting the way cleared for Namal to ascend to power after him.
He seems inclined in giving the other powerful ministries to the individuals that have crossed over to the ruling alliance from the United National Party or to the leaders of the splinter groups such as National Freedom Front and the Jathika Hela Urumaya because they cannot claim the leadership legitimately. Instead, the seniors of Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the major party of the ruling coalition, appear to legitimately challenge the Rajapaksa family authority in state.
SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena, a leader with good name, is the major challenge to the Rajapaksas and he has been given the portfolio of Minister of Health. This position was earlier held by SLFP senior Nimal Siripala de Silva whose administration was heavily criticized by state backed media. It is a well-known secret that some of the leaders of the powerful trade unions of the health sector are in the pocket of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Sirisena will have to blame his predecessor for the pieces of broken glass that are being recovered regularly from vaccine vials. Recovering the shattered image of the Health Minister is not an easy task for Maithripala Sirisena.
Nimal Siripala de Silva has been given the Irrigation and Water Management, another subject one can face people's protests due to the government's long standing attempts to liberalizing the water resources.
Elderly D.M. Jayarathna was appointed as the Prime Minister, a ceremonious post that has no real value sans been the legitimate successor to the post of President in case of an emergency.
Former Prime Minister Rathnasiri Wickramanayaka has been given a new Ministry of State Management and Reforms that appears to cross with the powers of the Ministry of State Administration and Home Affairs that is held by another party stalwart John Senevirathna.
Dilan Perera is another prominent SLFPer that represents Badulla since 1994 but without been appointed into the cabinet. This time as well, he is the deputy of John Senevirathna's ministry.
A notable person that was not given a cabinet portfolio is Reginald Cooray, former Chief Minister of the Western Province.
Most of the above mentioned SLFP leaders have been a challenge to the leadership of Mahinda Rajapaksa in one or the other way. They have also been loyal to President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumarathunga, the arch rival predecessor of the present President.
Even Dallus Alahapperuma that is targeting SLFP leadership through the loyalty to the Rajapaksa family has failed to get a senior position in the cabinet. He was prevented from contesting the general election from Mathara district from where he could have gained huge amount of preferential votes. But his nomination via national list tarnished his image and he was given the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Employment, that cannot be considered a powerful position.
Sarath Amunugama and S.B. Disanayaka, two powerful figures of the SLFP in certain times were also not given cabinet portfolios citing an investigation is underway to ascertain their involvement or non-engagement in election malpractices in Nawalapitiya electorate in Kandy districts. But the President cannot keep them in hold for a long time since they can influence the President via the Buddhist monk leaders.
However, a number of other SLFPers like Susil Prema Jayantha, Kumara Welgama and Anura Priyadarshana Yapa that have less potential to rise into the state leadership have been given fairly good positions.
Saturday, April 24, 2010
Some notable features of Sri Lanka's new cabinet
(April 24, Colombo - Lanka Polity) Sri Lanka President has appointed a new cabinet. As promised, he has pruned the jumbo cabinet at least for the moment. The number of cabinet portfolios have been slashed to 39 and the number of Deputy Ministers are 37.
It can be easily speculated several additions to the panel of Ministers in recent future. Previously there were 51 cabinet Ministers and the final number can be close to it. Several opposition MPs are too eager to strengthen the hands of the President who is desperate for two third majority in the parliament.
Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa retained several most powerful Ministries under himself. The cabinet portfolios that are in the President's hand are Minister of Defence, Minister of Finance & Planning, Minister of Ports and Aviation and Minister of Highways.
Significantly, a Minister of Media and Information has not been appointed. As a result the subject has automatically come under the purview of the President.
However, Gampaha district MP Mervin Silva has been appointed as the Deputy Minister of Mass Media and Information.
The Deputy Ministers of the Ministries held by the President are as follows:
Chandrasiri Gajadeera – Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning
Rohitha Abeygunawardena - Deputy Minister of Ports and Aviation
Dayashritha Tissera - Deputy Minister of Ports and Aviation
Nirmala Kothalawala - Deputy Minister of Highways
President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s younger brother Basil Rajapaksa has been appointed into a powerful position of the Minister of Economic Development.
Basil Rajapaksa, identified as a hard worker, a meticulous planner and an astute manager is expected to handle the prospects of economic growth of Sri Lanka in the post-war period.
With the formation of the new Ministry of Economic Development, the Ministries of Nation Building held previously by five non cabinet Ministers have been scrapped. The Ministries for the development of certain Provinces have also been taken under this new Ministry.
The Ministry of Economic Development is so powerful that three Deputy Ministers have been appointed to it. They are Lakshman Yapa Abewardhana, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya and Muttu Sivalingam.
Several notable persons have been omitted from the cabinet newly appointed by the President.
One of the most prominent absentee is Ceylon Workers’ Congress leader Arumugam Thondaman that held cabinet portfolios in all parliaments since 1994. However, CWC national list MP Muttu Sivalingam sore in as the Deputy Minister of Economic Development.
Former Science and Technology Minister Thissa Vitharana that represents the leftist Lanka Samasamaja Party has also been omitted from the cabinet. Sri Lanka Communist Party has been given one cabinet portfolio and a post of Deputy Minister for D.E.W. Gunasekara and Chandrasiri Gajadheera respectively. Communist Party elected one MP and it was given a national list slot too. Samasamaja Party also won one seat and Vitharana was appointed to parliament via national list. He was the Chairman of the All Party Representative Committee that the President appointed to seek solution for the ethnic problem.
Jathika Hela Urumaya that won two seats was given a national list slot as well but only Champika Ranawaka was given a cabinet post. Many expected Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thero would swear in at least as a Deputy Minister.
A number of prominent figures of the ruling coalition that contested from Kandy district have not been given Minister posts citing a disciplinary investigation is underway regarding the election malpractices in Nawalapitiya electorate prompting the Election Commissioner to summon a re-poll. Former cabinet Ministers Keheliya Rambukwella and Sarath Amunugama are among them while S.B. Disanayaka and former non-cabinet Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage that topped the preferential votes in the district and Faizer Mustafa also expected Minister or Deputy Minister positions.
Former non-cabinet Minister Naven Disanayaka, a son of late United National Party stalwart Gamini Disanayaka, was also omitted from the panel of Ministers and Deputy Ministers.
Expect more interesting facts about the new cabinet.
Visit for more details:
http://w3lanka.blogspot.com/2010/04/deep-analysis-on-new-cabinet.html
http://www.priu.gov.lk/Govt_Ministers/Indexministers.html
It can be easily speculated several additions to the panel of Ministers in recent future. Previously there were 51 cabinet Ministers and the final number can be close to it. Several opposition MPs are too eager to strengthen the hands of the President who is desperate for two third majority in the parliament.
Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa retained several most powerful Ministries under himself. The cabinet portfolios that are in the President's hand are Minister of Defence, Minister of Finance & Planning, Minister of Ports and Aviation and Minister of Highways.
Significantly, a Minister of Media and Information has not been appointed. As a result the subject has automatically come under the purview of the President.
However, Gampaha district MP Mervin Silva has been appointed as the Deputy Minister of Mass Media and Information.
The Deputy Ministers of the Ministries held by the President are as follows:
Chandrasiri Gajadeera – Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning
Rohitha Abeygunawardena - Deputy Minister of Ports and Aviation
Dayashritha Tissera - Deputy Minister of Ports and Aviation
Nirmala Kothalawala - Deputy Minister of Highways
President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s younger brother Basil Rajapaksa has been appointed into a powerful position of the Minister of Economic Development.
Basil Rajapaksa, identified as a hard worker, a meticulous planner and an astute manager is expected to handle the prospects of economic growth of Sri Lanka in the post-war period.
With the formation of the new Ministry of Economic Development, the Ministries of Nation Building held previously by five non cabinet Ministers have been scrapped. The Ministries for the development of certain Provinces have also been taken under this new Ministry.
The Ministry of Economic Development is so powerful that three Deputy Ministers have been appointed to it. They are Lakshman Yapa Abewardhana, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya and Muttu Sivalingam.
Several notable persons have been omitted from the cabinet newly appointed by the President.
One of the most prominent absentee is Ceylon Workers’ Congress leader Arumugam Thondaman that held cabinet portfolios in all parliaments since 1994. However, CWC national list MP Muttu Sivalingam sore in as the Deputy Minister of Economic Development.
Former Science and Technology Minister Thissa Vitharana that represents the leftist Lanka Samasamaja Party has also been omitted from the cabinet. Sri Lanka Communist Party has been given one cabinet portfolio and a post of Deputy Minister for D.E.W. Gunasekara and Chandrasiri Gajadheera respectively. Communist Party elected one MP and it was given a national list slot too. Samasamaja Party also won one seat and Vitharana was appointed to parliament via national list. He was the Chairman of the All Party Representative Committee that the President appointed to seek solution for the ethnic problem.
Jathika Hela Urumaya that won two seats was given a national list slot as well but only Champika Ranawaka was given a cabinet post. Many expected Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thero would swear in at least as a Deputy Minister.
A number of prominent figures of the ruling coalition that contested from Kandy district have not been given Minister posts citing a disciplinary investigation is underway regarding the election malpractices in Nawalapitiya electorate prompting the Election Commissioner to summon a re-poll. Former cabinet Ministers Keheliya Rambukwella and Sarath Amunugama are among them while S.B. Disanayaka and former non-cabinet Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage that topped the preferential votes in the district and Faizer Mustafa also expected Minister or Deputy Minister positions.
Former non-cabinet Minister Naven Disanayaka, a son of late United National Party stalwart Gamini Disanayaka, was also omitted from the panel of Ministers and Deputy Ministers.
Expect more interesting facts about the new cabinet.
Visit for more details:
http://w3lanka.blogspot.com/2010/04/deep-analysis-on-new-cabinet.html
http://www.priu.gov.lk/Govt_Ministers/Indexministers.html
Friday, April 23, 2010
Sri Lanka's JVP again resorting to anti devolution politics
(April 23, Colombo - Lanka Polity) Sri Lanka's prominent left movement People's Liberation Front (JVP) that lost a number of parliamentary seats they held since 2004, seems to resort to anti devolution politics once again to find a path to get out of the stalemate they are stuck in now.
JVP, that sprang out of village Sinhala youth in late 60s and early 70s inherited a mint of anti Tamil Sinhala chauvinism from its beginning and it widely resorted to anti devolution politics in its second uprising in late 1980s.
After the repression in 1989 in which almost the entire leadership was eliminated, JVP re-entered mainstream politics in 1994. Since then, the JVP's political strategies were decided in a fear psychosis vis-a-vis breakaway Sinhala arch nationalist leader Champika Ranawaka. JVP was always in fear that Ranawaka would win the Sinhala radical youth from them and moved in nationalist path in a race with Ranawaka trying to overtake him.
This conflict paved way Mahinda Rajapaksa, a capitalist politician with a background of rural nobility, to rise in power yielding what sown by the nationalists turned radicals. With the nationalist war and the victory of the Rajapaksa-led Sinhala forces, JVP that grudgingly evaded practically supporting the war was alienated from the nationalist state set up in which Champika Ranawaka had fairly consolidated as an individual.
JVP contested the 2010 general election in a coalition with ex-Army Commander and defeated Presidential candidate Sarath Fonseka who was jailed by the ruling regime and secured four seats for the party while the coalition won seven seats.
However, the party is no more a king maker in Sri Lankan politics and the leadership is facing a fast deteriorating party support base that is frustrated with the party's failure to achieve tangible gains for them.
At this juncture too, some of the prominent JVP leaders still seem to think that they may find a way out of this trouble via anti devolution politics since the newly mandated government is tended to go for devolution as a solution for the ethnic problem in an understanding with the major Tamil constituent Tamil National Alliance and India.
This can be very well observed in the present content of the JVP's propaganda organs like Lanka Sinhala newspaper and Lanka Truth website. These media try to portray a picture that the government is conspiring with India to set forth a set of proposals to devolve power to Northern and Eastern Provinces to address the long standing demand of the Tamil politicians to strengthen their national identity in politics.
We do not think this is a right moment for a campaign like what JVP led in 1987 against Provincial Councils that were introduced under Indo-Lanka peace accord. After all the Provincial Councils were in practice for more than 20 years. JVP also represented them. The major Tamil force that rejected the Provincial Councils targeting a separate Tamil state is too a non-entity in practical politics in Sri Lanka. Tamil National Alliance is also ready to accept a solution that goes a little distance beyond the Provincial Council system under the present unitary state structure.
Progressive forces of the country should try at this moment to push the government to begin a new dialogue with the minorities that are fighting for identity in politics and to come to a settlement. This will not only benefit the capitalist development but it will also enhance the development of society and polity. Leftists should not worry about what the capitalism achieves through a compromise in national issue. The solution will also pave way for broader unity among downtrodden masses as well superimposing the national divisions that restrict their struggles against evils of capitalism.
by Ajith Perakum Jayasinghe
JVP, that sprang out of village Sinhala youth in late 60s and early 70s inherited a mint of anti Tamil Sinhala chauvinism from its beginning and it widely resorted to anti devolution politics in its second uprising in late 1980s.
After the repression in 1989 in which almost the entire leadership was eliminated, JVP re-entered mainstream politics in 1994. Since then, the JVP's political strategies were decided in a fear psychosis vis-a-vis breakaway Sinhala arch nationalist leader Champika Ranawaka. JVP was always in fear that Ranawaka would win the Sinhala radical youth from them and moved in nationalist path in a race with Ranawaka trying to overtake him.
This conflict paved way Mahinda Rajapaksa, a capitalist politician with a background of rural nobility, to rise in power yielding what sown by the nationalists turned radicals. With the nationalist war and the victory of the Rajapaksa-led Sinhala forces, JVP that grudgingly evaded practically supporting the war was alienated from the nationalist state set up in which Champika Ranawaka had fairly consolidated as an individual.
JVP contested the 2010 general election in a coalition with ex-Army Commander and defeated Presidential candidate Sarath Fonseka who was jailed by the ruling regime and secured four seats for the party while the coalition won seven seats.
However, the party is no more a king maker in Sri Lankan politics and the leadership is facing a fast deteriorating party support base that is frustrated with the party's failure to achieve tangible gains for them.
At this juncture too, some of the prominent JVP leaders still seem to think that they may find a way out of this trouble via anti devolution politics since the newly mandated government is tended to go for devolution as a solution for the ethnic problem in an understanding with the major Tamil constituent Tamil National Alliance and India.
This can be very well observed in the present content of the JVP's propaganda organs like Lanka Sinhala newspaper and Lanka Truth website. These media try to portray a picture that the government is conspiring with India to set forth a set of proposals to devolve power to Northern and Eastern Provinces to address the long standing demand of the Tamil politicians to strengthen their national identity in politics.
We do not think this is a right moment for a campaign like what JVP led in 1987 against Provincial Councils that were introduced under Indo-Lanka peace accord. After all the Provincial Councils were in practice for more than 20 years. JVP also represented them. The major Tamil force that rejected the Provincial Councils targeting a separate Tamil state is too a non-entity in practical politics in Sri Lanka. Tamil National Alliance is also ready to accept a solution that goes a little distance beyond the Provincial Council system under the present unitary state structure.
Progressive forces of the country should try at this moment to push the government to begin a new dialogue with the minorities that are fighting for identity in politics and to come to a settlement. This will not only benefit the capitalist development but it will also enhance the development of society and polity. Leftists should not worry about what the capitalism achieves through a compromise in national issue. The solution will also pave way for broader unity among downtrodden masses as well superimposing the national divisions that restrict their struggles against evils of capitalism.
by Ajith Perakum Jayasinghe
Tuesday, April 20, 2010
Upcountry Tamil politicians of Sri Lanka divide and lose in Badulla
(April 20, Colombo - Lanka Polity) The election result of Upcountry Badulla district of Sri Lanka proves the fact that the minorities may lose when they are divided.
Upcountry Tamils failed to win a single seat in Badulla district despite they have a considerable population there. This is notable in the context they have secured this seat since a long time and they had two seats in the previous parliament.
In 1994, Ceylon Workers' Congress (CWC) contested under United National Front (UNF) and both Wadiwel Suresh and M. Sachchiththananthan elected into parliament. Suresh joined the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party first. Later the CWC decided to support the government. Both Upcountry Tamil MPs were given Minister posts. Later Sachchiththananthan quitted quit the CWC and joined United National Party.
In 2010, Suresh contested under ruling United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) while Sachchiththananthan contested under UNF ticket. Both lost.
In 2010, five Upcountry Tamils contested the election from two major coalitions. They are the above two persons and former MP T.V. Sennan and S.Chandramohan representing CWC in the UPFA and A. Velayuthan under UNF.
All five candidates failed to elect while all MPs elected from Badulla district are Sinhalese.
Upcountry Tamils failed to win a single seat in Badulla district despite they have a considerable population there. This is notable in the context they have secured this seat since a long time and they had two seats in the previous parliament.
In 1994, Ceylon Workers' Congress (CWC) contested under United National Front (UNF) and both Wadiwel Suresh and M. Sachchiththananthan elected into parliament. Suresh joined the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party first. Later the CWC decided to support the government. Both Upcountry Tamil MPs were given Minister posts. Later Sachchiththananthan quitted quit the CWC and joined United National Party.
In 2010, Suresh contested under ruling United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) while Sachchiththananthan contested under UNF ticket. Both lost.
In 2010, five Upcountry Tamils contested the election from two major coalitions. They are the above two persons and former MP T.V. Sennan and S.Chandramohan representing CWC in the UPFA and A. Velayuthan under UNF.
All five candidates failed to elect while all MPs elected from Badulla district are Sinhalese.
Monday, April 19, 2010
The Prime Ministerial musical chair of Sri Lanka
![]() |
D.M. Jayarathna |
President Mahinda Rajapaksa is to commence his second term this year. Who will be the Premier of the next parliament in Sri Lanka? Whoever he (probably not 'she' under the present context) is, he will definitely be the next President, we guarantee.
However, President Mahinda Rajapaksa is ambitious to change the constitution before the end of his second term and he will try to be the next state head, either President or Premier. He is now training his elder son 24-year-old Namal Rajapaksa to be the hair to the throne.
However, President Mahinda Rajapaksa is ambitious to change the constitution before the end of his second term and he will try to be the next state head, either President or Premier. He is now training his elder son 24-year-old Namal Rajapaksa to be the hair to the throne.
In 2004, the major partner of the ruling coalition People's Liberation Front (JVP) wanted to appoint Lakshman Kadirgamar as the Prime Minister. Mahinda Rajapaksa fought vehemently for the post and he won it despite the President Chandrika was not in his favor. If he lost the battle then, there would not be a President Rajapaksa or a Rajapaksa Brothers Company too.
Likewise, many seniors of the ruling coalition are engaged in a cold war for the post of Prime Minister. The cold war is likely to warm in the coming days.
President's brother Basil Rajapaksa who has good control of media is manipulating media to set forth his candidacy. Sinhala daily Lankadeepa ran a story this weekend in the front page highlighting Basil Rajapaksa as the best candidate for the Premiership on the basis he can maintain the balance of the ruling coalition. The balance is promptly challenged since he is the brother of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Meanwhile, a political writer in Sinhala nationalist daily Divaina argued the rightness of appointing Basil as the Prime Minister although he is the brother of the President. One argument is that he is a senior of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party that was active in 1970s and even contested for the Mulkirigala electorate in 1977 general election. However, the fact that he once broke away from the party and joined the United National Party (UNP) before he left the country for permanent residency in US is deliberately shunned by media. No doubt, he is a hard worker and a brilliant manager of power affairs under President Mahinda Rajapaksa, a plus point in his bag.
But the most suitable contender for the Prime Minister post is non other than the veteran Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena. He is now mustering party support to field him as a contender for the post.
Elderly SLFP man D.M. Jayarathna is also slated for the post and S.B. Disanayaka that recently crossed over to the SLFP from UNP is backing him probably with hopes for benefits in future. Premiership for Kandy is a racist argument set forth by S.B. Disanayaka. One day, he will argue for the Presidency for Kandy. Latest reports say that the President is likely to appoint D.M. Jayarathna as the Prime Minister until he begins his second term in November. This seems the most cunning move since all those who wish to be the next real Prime Minister will have to be extremely loyal to the leader until a day the President decides to change the post.
You can obsever pro-government media now propagating evils of the management of health sector under ex-Health Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva. This will tarnish any chance for Silva to vie for Premiership although he came to top in the list of preferential votes in Badulla district.
Amidst these hullabaloos ex-Prime Minister Rathnasiri Wickramanayaka might have luck again to be appointed as the Prime Minister. Luckily, his name is in the national list. In 2004, even the name was not in the national list.
One can argue that the post of Prime Minister is similar to the post of Minister without portfolio. He will not have powers that even the Speaker of the parliament has. He can be a 'talk master' like Rathnasiri Wickramanayaka.
But for sure, the Prime Minister of this parliament has the most opportunity to be the next President.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
White handkerchief marks protest against forcible cremation by the government of Sri Lanka
Sri Lankan civil society is silently but strongly marking their protest against the government's inhuman forcible cremation of a 20-da...

-
Inter-Religion Relations Subcommittee of Sri Lanka Amarapura and Ramanna Buddhist Sangha sects wrote to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa urging ...
-
A 24-year old Sri Lankan who was suspected of trafficking a Japanese girl was released on bail by Negambo Magistrate Court of Sri Lanka. Th...
-
(August 21, 2010, Colombo - Lanka Polity ) The following article was published in 'The Economist' on August 19. It is a half-bak...