Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa's maximum to Tamil demands

(January 03, Colombo - Lanka Polity) Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa's maximum reaction to the long-standing Tamil demand for autonomy is to be the 13th amendment to the constitution minus the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces that came under the Indo-Lanka accord that preceded the constitutional amendment.

The jubilant President who successfully suppressed the three decade old armed struggle of the Tamils last year is struggling to win the support of the Tamils ahead of the early presidential poll in which he is facing a pitch battle with his ex-Army chief retired General Sarath Fonseka.

However, he has laid his hopes basically on the Sinhala chauvinist votes and unwilling and afraid to go beyond  the line of 13th amendment. Even in the latter years of 1980s, the Tamils rejected the 13th amendment and the Provincial Councils that were in fact imposed on them parallel to an Indian military intervention. Then the two provinces were merged and later the Sinhala nationalist Marxist People's Liberation Front (JVP) carried out a successful lawsuit in 2006 to demerge the two provinces in a judgment delivered by the ex-Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva whose role is highly questioned by media and civil society. The problem now remains is if the Tamil nationalists have the moral right to accept a lesser version of the 13th amendment after more than two decades they rejected it and following so much blood was shed.

Rajapaksa regime reportedly intends to hold elections for the Northern Provincial Council in coming June. They held elections for the Eastern Provincial Council in 2008 immediately after the areas under the rebels in the Eastern Province were 'liberated.' However, the Eastern Province Chief Minister, ex-rebel and ex-paramilitary leader Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillaiyan expressed displeasure several times over the way the central government deals with the powers of the Provincial Council. It is an open secret that the President's all powerful brother Basil Rajapaksa and the President-nominated Governor of the Eastern Province Rear Admiral Mohan Wijewickrama have sidelined the Chief Minister that hails from a subaltern background in the development work in the province that are directly handled by the central government.

The Rajapaksa regime is violating the fundamentals of power devolution even in the nominal decentralization they have offered to the Tamils. The fate of the would be-Provincial Council in the Northern Province will be the same if it goes to the hands of the pro-government ex-paramilitary elements groups the likes led by Ministers Douglas Devananda and Vinayagamurthy Muralitharan alias Karuna Amman.

Sri Lanka; a concern for Reporters Without Borders in Press freedom Review 2009

(December 30, Colombo - Lanka Polity) Reporters Without Borders says its concern in 2009 has been the mass exodus of journalists from repressive countries such as Iran and Sri Lanka. The authorities in these countries have understood that by pushing journalists into exile, they can drastically reduce pluralism of ideas and the amount of criticism they attract. “This is a dangerous tendency and it must be very strongly condemned,” Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Jean-François Julliard said as the review of Press freedom in 2009 was released.

The review says that the Journalists are most at risk in the Americas (501 cases), particularly when they expose drug-trafficking or local potentates. Asia comes next with 364 cases of this kind, chiefly in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Nepal.

"Media access is not always properly observed, as evidenced in provincial polling in the Tamil areas of Sri Lanka," says the report. "The courage shown by journalists this year before and after elections earned them periods in custody, mistreatment and prison sentences that were in some cases extremely harsh. These post-election crackdowns should stimulate the international community to seek better ways of protecting the press after rigged election results are announced.


“This wave of violence bodes ill for 2010, when crucial elections are scheduled in Côte d’Ivoire, Sri Lanka, Burma, Iraq and the Palestinian Territories” said Reporters Without Borders, which often carries out media monitoring during election campaigns."

At least 167 journalists are in prison around the world at the end of 2009. One would need to go back to the 1990s to find so many of them in jail. Although the UN special rapporteur on freedom of expression keeps reiterating that imprisonment is a disproportionate punishment for press offences, many governments keep laws that allow them to jail journalists, and continue to abuse these laws. The sentences given to journalists in Cuba, China, Sri Lanka and Iran are as harsh as those imposed for terrorism or violent crime.

For the first time, the Reporters Without Borders annual roundup includes figures for journalists who have been forced to leave their countries because of threats to their lives or liberty. A total of 157 journalists went into exile in the past year, often in very harsh conditions. Among the countries where the exodus of journalists and bloggers was particularly dramatic were Iran, with more than 50 fleeing, and Sri Lanka, with 29.

Is Sri Lanka opposition dare to debate?

(December 29, Colombo - Lanka Polity) The leader of Sri Lanka's National Freedom Front (JNP) has challenged opposition president candidate Sarath Fonseka for a debate on the arms deals Fonseka's son-in-law is allegedly involved. Weerawansa has asked to name other suitable persons, maximum two, to represent Fonseka, if he cannot debate, to the debate that Weerawansa proposes to be held before all media.

Weerawansa's suggestion is timely as reports and rumors point to mass scale corruption in the arms deals under Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. A debate will focus public attention to the issue. The politicians can give out the real information and they can clear their names from corruption charges.

Presidential candidate Sarath Fonseka and the opposition must grab this opportunity readily if they are genuine with their proposals to alleviate corruption under their future rule.

Although Weerawansa is a junior close to the ruling elite, he is one of the most influential orators of the ruling coalition. Therefore, he has opened up a path for a debate between the two macro-level presidential candidates in future.

Go on men! Take this chance! Pave way for President Mahinda Rajapaksa and Sarath Fonseka to perform their 'stripping-the-other' politics face-to-face. It will at least be entertaining in this polity where people are natualized with corruption.

Sri Lanka President's son treats his father with Rs. 3.25 billion worth presidential advertising campaign

(December 29, Colombo - Lanka Polity) Sri Lanka President's eldest son, Namal Rajapaksa is treating his beloved father with an advertising campaign worth of Rs. 3.25 billion in which famous persons urge the publc to vote to a 'sensitive' leader at the presidential scheduled to be held on January 26.

Namal Rajapaksa, an unemployed young person as far as we have learnt, spends these monies from the fund of an organization called "A Tomorrow for Youth" that he leads.

The famous persons like sportsmen and actors appearing in these advertisements say they have not charged any money for these commercials.

However, they are broadcast at least 72 times a day mostly in prime time in seven television channels. The campaign includes radio, press commercials and billboards etc. as well.

A recent study on the spending of this advertising campaign estimated the cost Rs. 3.25 billion minimum.

Nobody knows where these moneys come from to the funds of the "A Tomorrow for Youth".

In politics too India's winning formula is hosting bad picthes

(December 28, Colombo - Lanka Polity) You host a cricket team and your countrymen are desperate to see your team win. Since you are the host, you are privileged to prepare a picth as you wish. You make it as hard for the opponent as you can and you then select deadly bowlers to break their noses. You think it is the winning formula. But what happens if the players walk out refusing to play?

This is what happened in Sunday's fifth and final limited-overs international between India and Sri Lanka, leading to crowd unrest and immediate recriminations for Indian cricket officials.

Sent in to bat first, Sri Lanka had crumbled to 83-5 on the difficult Kotla pitch before the third delivery of the 24th over, from India's rookie paceman Sudeep Tyagi, rose dangerously and flew past the face of batsman Thilina Kandamby.

It proved the last straw for Sri Lanka captain Kumar Sangakkara, who complained to match referee Alan Hurst and onfield umpires Marais Erasmus and Shavir Tarapore, and players left the field.

As discussions continued between match officials and local organizers outside the boundary, spectators shouted slogans and abuse at the organizers.

Baton-wielding police were called in to clear the stands of spectators, some of whom had vented their anger by smashing chairs. The teams were whisked away from the stadium before the abandonment was announced more than an hour after the suspension.

Later Sunday, confronted with mounting criticism, the Indian cricket board scrapped its pitches panel. (Canadian Press)

This happens not only in cricket but in politics as well. India always hosts the neighboring nations with difficult political terrain since it is desperate in winning the regional dominancy at the cost of the bones of the other nations. The best example is Sri Lanka.

India's approach on the island nation's ethnic problem is always dishonest. One time it sided with the Tamil militancy providing them military bases in South India to train and arm against Sri Lankan state. Through that strategy India caught behind pro-Yankee J.R. Jayawardhana, the first executive President of Sri Lanka. After bundling out the Sinhala players, India wanted to defeat the Tamil nationalism as well that she bred in her bosom. Now India is sided with the Sinhala dominated Sri Lanka government and she has made the Tamil nationalist forces eat shit through its policy of tolerating Sri Lanka’s unorthodox warfare that completely disregarded the lives of the fighters and the civilians.

Even three decades later, the ethnic problem of Sri Lanka remains same. It is still the biggest impediment before Sri Lanka's development. India is silent. India always makes the political pitch for others as hard as rock. Yet, it is not clear India has won the match over Sri Lanka since the match is mingled with walk-outs of the Sinhala and Tamil polities.

Don't be pawns in a deadly game of two war lords - Bahu

(December 28, Colombo - Lanka Polity) Left Front candidate of Sri Lanka's presidential Dr. Vickramabahu Karunarathne warns the Sri Lankan electorate not to be caught in a deadly game of chess played by the two equally blood- drenched, chauvinist representatives of Global Capitalism.

"Once again, at the cost of some Rs 12 billion of public funds, Dr. Bahu said that we have to face a Presidential election where two equally bloody, corrupt and parasitic Capitalist Alliances have come forward for the contest, represented by Mahinda Rajapakse and Sarath Fonseka," says Vickramabahu.


"This Presidential campaign is going to be a bitter and deadly fight between two equally reactionary camps of the ruling class as to who is going to feast on the blood of the Tamil nation, and that of the proletariat and all exploited and all oppressed classes and nationalities and communities, and exercise chauvinist-oppressive dictatorship over the people.

"It is a joke to ask who is the worst of these two. Let us not become mere pawns in a deadly game of chess played by two rival camps of the very same Capitalist ruling class. Let us hold this State and this ruling class accountable for the crimes willfully committed against the people and against humanity.

"Let us do so in order to mobilize mass protest and agitate against the prevailing Capitalist political order which represents the interests of global Capitalism, by building resistance and revolutionary struggle to defeat the militarist-chauvinist- oppressive agenda represented by both ruling class candidates," said Dr. Vickramabahu Karunarathne.

Lessons to be learnt from Tsunami Reconstruction Process for the development of the North and the East of Sri Lanka

Transparency International, Sri Lanka -


(Photo: Baby 81 of tsunami fame, now five years old still lives in a half-built house with his parents in Kalmunai)

On this fifth anniversary of the Tsunami, Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) remembers with great sadness all those who lost their lives, the surviving family members and those who lost their property. It is time to reflect on and learn lessons from the great challenges that we faced with the tragedy when Sri Lanka stands an exponential development potential aftermath of the war. Such reflection would be, in turn the true tribute to those who lost their lives and others who survived with enormous difficulties.

In 2007, TISL obtained complaints relating to the reconstruction process with the principal objective of drawing attention of the relevant authorities to such problems. The complaints received were perused, categorized and forwarded to the relevant government agencies. However, there was no response from any of the government agencies on them. The major issues raised in the complaints were sub-standard quality of the newly received houses, petty corruption by the government officers at the local level and high politicization in the selection of beneficiaries. These problems still lie unexplained undermining the level of confidence among the general public about the state. Thus unfortunately Sri Lanka has failed to learn lessons of governance challenges from post tsunami experience.

The lack of legitimised right to information law or any practice promoting right to information for the people was one of the key problems that marred the tsunami reconstruction process with a significant element of information withholding and a general clamming up by government officials when such information is requested. When information was requested about the utilization of the money received during the recovery process, some government officers refrained from providing them possibly due to fear of persecution by higher authorities in their department and ministries.

It is extremely important to draw attention to these issues in the context of reconstruction in the North and East of Sri Lanka where immense damage is caused on human lives and property together with the fact that huge sums of capital is flowing into the region at present. The three major concerns which the government failed to address in the Tsunami Reconstruction Process will equally be applicable and will jeopardise the post- conflict development in the North and the East unless necessary action is taken immediately. These are: a) the need for participatory development process including planning and implementation through legitimate public institutions based in the areas themselves, b)the restructuring of centralised, narrowly politicised and non-representative administrative mechanisms so that they are more accountable and transparent to local communities, and c)the de-politicisation of the communities at the local level. Similar to the Tsunami reconstruction process, the reconstruction of the North and the East poses a great risk of corruption because of large sums involved, the lack of local accountability or even participation of beneficiaries and the excessive centralization of decision-making.

A brief Financial Analysis

The following table shows the financial situation of Tsunami Reconstruction work by the end of the year
2006. This is the money received through the government approved channels by various donors. This information was obtained from the Development Assistance Date Base (DAD) in March 2007. However, this information is not currently available for the public as the DAD website doesn’t exist anymore.

TISL’s effort to obtain the most recent financial information was met with lackluster responses by the officials. TISL’s observation in this regard was that officials were either reluctant to divulge the proper information or that they did not have the accurate figures about current expenditure status.
Available statistics as per March 2007:

Committed (USD) Disbursed (USD) Expended (USD)

2,126,771,858 1,075,375,348 603,443,908



Note:
•Committed funds – Funds promised by the donors
•Disbursed – Funds handed over to the implementing agencies
•Expended – Funds spent on various projects

According to the available information, there is a difference between the committed and the disbursed funds. When inquired about this difference, the implementing agencies informed TISL that the amounts of money initially promised was not disbursed by the donors, mainly due to the deadlines of these projects not being met. Some donors have not been satisfied with the progress of the projects and have therefore withdrawn from their commitment after paying the first installment.

The difference between the disbursed and the expended has been a controversial issue that does not have a credible explanation. While some officials were reluctant to divulge the information, there were some responsible bodies, who implied that the funds have been utilized by the government for other purposes.

There is no precise evidence to explain the missing sum of USD 471, 931,440. Some government officials rejected the fact of such a missing amount though they have failed to give any explanation about the figures produced.

When the higher officials at Auditor General’s Department of Sri Lanka were contacted in December 2009, TISL was informed that there is no audit conducted on funds received for Tsunami Reconstruction process since the last audit by the former Auditor General in 2005.




Conclusion

a. TISL believes that it is a prime right of the people in Sri Lanka to know the true picture of the Tsunami recovery process. Therefore, the government should take every possible step to assure and respect the right to information of the general public of the country. Thus an audit should be done by the government to explain the utilization of the money received and the challenges faced.

b. All steps should be taken to arrest and remedy the existing problems in the recovery process. The participation of the public is paramount in this regard.

c. A special Committee of the Public Accounts Committee or an Independent Commission be constituted to review any remaining issues relating to the Tsunami Recovery Process and make necessary recommendations and lessons leant as related guidelines for the future.

e. TISL reiterates the importance of collating and documenting all the information of Tsunami 2004 in relation to both the relief and recovery process. Such deliberation is important in the context of current development in the North and East of Sri Lanka.

Unless the political leadership is committed to these recommendations, similar unfortunate experience will be repeated in the reconstruction of the North and the East of Sri Lanka.